The City of Mingora

When Swat State came into being with new regional and global conditions in its surrounding, the ruler of Swat concentrated on the consolidation process for more than ten years. The illiterate ruler introduced new concepts of administration and social justice. Though basic principals of justice were taken from Islamic judicial system but appropriate space was kept for local tradition and customs while deciding the disputes and crimes. The state army was busy in expanding the state boundaries and elimination of opponents.

From 1917 to 1930 the population of Mingora, is said was 600 houses (). In this period the village of Mingora became the main business town. Badshahh Sahib motivated the business class to build shops and restaurants in Mingora. He strategically kept his seating town aside from the major business activities and encouraged the people to make developments in Mingora. He linked the town with other large settlements.

He built offices and State’s buildings like arsenal, central prison, state guest-houses and grain’s depot in his seat (Saidu). In Saidu only bona-fide residents were allowed to build houses and migrants from Mingora even were strictly banned to construct residential or commercial buildings. In order to make Mingora as big business center he invited people of different professions from other cities like Mardan & Peshawar to establish business in Mingora. For instance Badshah called a butcher family to Mingora for opening of meat shops and Chipli kabab restaurant. Badshah introduced contractual system for the supply of salt to Swat and he gave this contract to a local business man. He also introduced octroi system for the first time and awarded octroi contract to a local one.

It is important to note that by that time no one among the Pahktun families were ready to open shop for business as it was deemed against the honor of Pakhtuns. That is why only Hindus and Parachas were doing business.

In the meantime Badshah started disarmament it was after about ten years. Strict laws like capital punishment for theft and robbery were introduced, which caused an exemplary peace environment. Business classes especially Hindus and Parachas started more investment in business and expanded their work to all parts of State. The business activities got momentum when Mingora was linked with other settlements by roads. In 1923 Mingora was connected with the rest of the region when Swatis-built road linked Malakand Pass to here. Within few years roads from Mingora to Buner and Madyan were built. From the main roads secondary and tertiary roads were constructed to link small settlements with Mingora.

For all these developmental activities Badshah had no special British councilors. However at two occasions in the construction of roads technical and some financial support was extended by the British government. After his recognition in 1926 British government started paying of Rs 10000 per annum to Swat State. This amount was not conditioned with developmental activities. Badshah Sahib established State treasury and introduced many heads of revenue. Main sources of revenue were usher (under Islamic laws of revenue Usher is ten or five percent of agricultural produces, which has to be collected by Islamic State). But Badshah did not follow the exact principal of usher but was charging 13.5 % of the agricultural produces. He had started collection of the same kind of revenue from honey producers, ghee producers, eggs suppliers and wool suppliers of sheep, cows, buffaloes, orchards, fruit tree in houses and so forth.

In 1949 Badshah Sahib handed over the seat to his successor and elder son Miangul Jahanzeb. Miangul Jahanzeb was enlightened and well educated man. He gave new dimensions to the state administration and resource management. In the context of Mingora city he built new roads, established modern hotels ranging from first class to middle class levels and educational institutions and provided hostels to students of far flung areas and down districts even. Miangul Jahanzeb, commonly known as Wali Sahib, developed segregated service availability on the main Saidu-Mingora Road, (college, hospitals and offices etc.) and constructed officer’s colony on the east side hill slopes of Saidu-Mingora road and invited eminent educational to the state for teaching. He introduced modern concepts of civic amenities by establishing town committee in 1956. He encouraged outsiders for investment in Mingora, particularly in silk industry and in this way provided job opportunities for the locals.

Wali facilitated the city with excursion opportunities like cinema, children park and promoted traditional and modern musical shows. He established bus terminus in the heart of the city and extended the roads network. Since the merger of Swat State all the successive governments did not add new road to this network.

All such measures on one hand made the State strong and modern and on the other it turned Mingora to the only urban center of the whole region. Town committee added special identity to Mingora as urban center as it had provided civic services like water supply, street pavement and street lights.

In early fifties differences emerged between the influential and Wali of Swat due to the authoritarian rule Under-ground movement started in 1960s (). Some of the influential of Swat State went into exile in other cities of Pakistan. They took the national and international press at storm and made strong lobbying in the military government of General Yahya Kahn. The Wali of Swat State faced hardship at federal level because predecessor of General Yahya Khan, General Ayub Khan, was his close relative. Thus due to a number of causes the Swat State was merged with Pakistan in July 1969 (). With the merger of Swat State many changes in Administrative, Judicial and Political set up occurred. In broader terms the impacts of the merger can be discussed in three areas.

Till merger the state was governed under rules, having blend of Islamic and traditional touch. It is noteworthy that ruler’s words were not subservient to the rules. But after the merger, Government of Pakistan extended the colonial bureaucratic system for general administration. The administrative officers sent here were all aliens to the local traditions and customs. This system could not work efficiently and resulted in a mess like situation, no one acknowledge himself responsible. Each one excuses that it is neither his jurisdiction nor his responsibility. Though practically they have certain limitations.

British rulers had framed their special laws and rules for civil bureaucratic structure of sub-continent. For general administration civil services had unlimited powers. Deputy Commissioners were bestowed both judicial and executive powers. The British rulers had formulated these laws for the subjugated nation of sub-continent aiming to keep the inhabitants of this region depressed and controlled. The prime objective of "colonial bureaucracy" is to keep the law and order situation control by hook or by crook and it has nothing to do with the real grievances of the people. When this structure of management came to Swat after merger it brought many problems. In the development context this system is always based on paper work. Corruption started creeping all around the area and the officers of all departments have started minting money. Due to complex police and judicial system common man problems aggravated. Quick disposal of court decisions was now considered story of the past.

As Swat State had thick forests and very little of its revenue was given to its owners. In State era only 10% of the total income of timber was given to the owner as royalty while 90% was sent to State treasury. Now the royalty percentage is enhanced from 10% to 60%. On one hand people’s share in forest income was little while on the other hand they were strictly forbidden to cut forest tree in far flung area even. If some one had genuine need of timber so he/she had to get permission from Badshah Sahib or his nominee.

People had started the over exploitation of natural resources. As the sense of impunity developed among the people due to the new systems so they damaged some of the state’s property. Different departments like police, education, health, communication, urban and rural development, forest, agriculture, irrigation and fisheries were extended to Swat, with complicated administrative hierarchy.

After merger people started cutting the tress ruthlessly for business purposes as well as for domestic use. Forests near Mingora cut down by the locals. Besides material benefits this reaction was basically against strict administration and controlled management. Toward natural resources people’s reactions can be judged from an incident, when local Pakhtuns got together and attacked on emerald mines. They had demand of the government to fix royalty in the mines income.

In the meanwhile forest contractors who were given the contract of forest harvesting extracted the timbers in mutual "understanding" with new administration. This fastened the deforestation.

Before the merger, whether just or unjust, decisions were quick, cheap and properly executed. But with the merger, the position took a U-turn. Regulation No I of 1969 merged the State with this much change only that powers and functions of the Rulers were ceased and these were delegated to a person, officer or authority may be appointed or empowered by the Provincial Government. All the old laws including Regulations, orders, rules, notifications and customs, having the force of law, were kept continued in force. This status quo created confusion and uncertainty. There were no clear cut laws, rules and regulations and the Administrative cum Judicial officers used to define and pronounce the riwaj (customs) according to their own will.

On 31^st December 1970 Gazette Notification of "Tribal Areas (Application of Laws) Regulation 1970" was promulgated. This introduced Criminal Courts with the enforcement of these laws: the Police Act of 1861; The code of Criminal Procedure Act V of 1898; The Pakistan Penal Code (Act IIV of 1860; and The Evidence Act of 1872 and the Frontier Crimes Regulations 1901 (Regulation 3 of 1901). Thus the old laws were repealed to that extent. On April 17, 1974 Regulation I of 1974 was enforced which established Civil and Revenue Courts by extending these laws: the West Pakistan Civil Courts Ordinance 1962, The Code of Civil Procedures 1908, and The West Pakistan Land Revenue Act 1967. Off and on laws were extending replacing the old laws. However the major change was the promulgation of Regulation No. I of 1975, Regulation No II of 1975 and Regulation No IV of 1976, commonly known as PATA Regulations, which led the prevailing conditions from bad to worse.

The prolonged procedures, undue delay, great expenditures, high bribes, misuse of riwaj and the further deterioration by PATA Regulations highly aggrieved almost all the people of Swat. This resulted the momentum for the enforcement of Islamic Judicial Laws. This movement name is Tanzim Nifaz Shariat Muhammaddi (TNSM). Along some of the regular laws the Government introduced Shariat Regulation 1998. But differences between the Government and TNSM leaders were appeared on the operational issues of this latest regulation.

Just after the formation of the State when Badshah firmed his position he started the enhancement of his landed property. He made formal deals with those Pakhtuns and Miangans who wanted to sell their lands. But in the papers Badshah transferred more than the sold land. By that Pakhtuns and other land owners due to political reasons could not resist but this Pandora box was opened against the Badshah and his family just after the merger. Hundreds of people have submitted their claims against the alleged illegal position of Badshah and his family. To resolve the dispute the then President of Pakistan Z. A. Bhutto constituted a land inquiry commission and issued special Martial Law Regulations. Under this regulations all claims against the Badshah and his family and the other landlords and the tenants had to be thoroughly inquired and decided. Number of claims registered were 469 in case of the ex-ruling family and the claimants and 26 in case of the other people and their tenants. The disputed land was recorded as 1308 acres in 45 villages of Swat. The commission had decided many cases and directed the Badshah family to get 24000 P.I.Us. of their choice within one week time. The decisions were challenged in higher courts. The Badshah family did not obtain their choice because they never accepted the land commission decision and have been terming the decision as political victimization. Some of the cases are permanently decided after compromises between the claimants and Badshah family while majority of the area is still not cleared.

In the State era people from outside the State boundary were not allowed to purchase lands and shelter in Swat. In very special cases some could get permission to settle in Swat. He had to present guarantor for being peaceful during his stay in Swat.

After merger this rule no more existed. There was free migration from anywhere in Pakistan. New political, administrative and economic set-up created more spaces for the outsiders. As Swat was an attractive area both in term of environment and business, heavy influx of non-locals created many social and economic problems when they started their businesses in Swat. Meanwhile the leaders and representative of all political parties rushed to Swat in order to grip the maximum number of voters for the upcoming elections of 1970. As during state era all sort of political activities were prohibited, so after the merger all of a sudden politics started. This exercise produced many local leadership from middle class of the society. People of this area tasted for the first time Western democracy, which was not very adjustable with mode of the people and Socio-political intolerance developed.

In the next two decades large number of people went to gulf countries and earned huge money so they have injected this amount in the flourishing silk industry. And they hired technical persons from Punjab and Karachi and meanwhile some of the industrialist rushed to Swat for the same investment. Unskilled and laboring class form the surrounding areas like Dir, Bajawar and Malakand Agency have started seasonal/ permanent migration to Swat in search of job opportunities. Since the merger activities in Mingora were increased many fold therefor business and job opportunities were also enhanced. People of special professions like shoemakers, tailors, cookers and barbers from Mardan and Peshawar have opened their businesses in Mingora. Besides permanent businesses in summer season temporary migrations were started. These migrants were daily wagers, hawkers, hotel waiters and also bigger.

The new trend of migration caused many problems. The most conspicuous impact was the increase in crimes rate. Unlike the past the migrants have started purchasing of land. This practice shrunk the role of local land lords and influential. Population of outsiders crossed the number of local population. Businesseslike hotels, fruits and vegetable marketing and other pity business were gradually occupied by non-locals.

After introduction of new political system i.e. party politics, various social identifies got new shape. As prior to the merger there was Jirgah system and the State had great respect for this institution in its early years. Jirgah was supposed for advocacy of the people in respect of various issues, while party politics was not allowed. When the State was merged into the rest of Pakistan party politics got introduction. The traditional groups, Dallas, dispersed and all Pakhtun leaders joined the political parties. The system of one man one vote got place and every common man became entitled to cast his/her vote in favor of their choice. Those who had no say in the governance and administration issues now openly started criticism on leaders. In special context of national politics when Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) successfully established itself pro-poor party and it gave new taste of leadership to the region. By that time first appointed administrator of Town Committee (now Municipal Committee) was a poor political worker of PPP. For the first time in the Swat history a man from Paracha family (Parachas were business class of Mingora and they had inferior position than Yusafzai Pakhtuns) won election against the person who had the support of ex-ruler. But during the election ex-ruler was expelled from Swat and he was stayed in Punjab province.

In the meanwhile many political leaders appeared on the political scenario had neither family background nor financial backup. When they captured the leadership of the area this caused an unrest among the traditional leaders of the area. Simultaneously the traditionally tenancy class adopted an attitude of rebellion and tried to captured the lands of Yusafzai Pukhtuns and many where this resulted in an arm clashes. Many levels of leadership like urban and rural wards, provincial assembly and national assembly were emerged and every political party constituted its own vote bank. As this was new kind of politics for the local people so their political differences converted into deep social and family conflicts. This was an adverse result of Western democracy on this fragile political set-up.

After merger life in Mingora city accelerated. Saidu Sharif was declared divisional headquarter of Malakand Division. Besides administration, all other divisional departments opened their offices in or around the city. Transport activities increased manifolds. Migration of the people to the city increased. The performance of Municipal Committee, formed in 1956, declined and the MC failed to provide civic services. Haphazard construction, encroachment upon roads as well as water ways started while MC could not develop bye-laws and rules to control the unplanned construction in the city. The performance of the municipality also suffered due to unnecessary political and bureaucratic intervention. As before merger MC had 10% share in the income of emerald mines was given to the Committee but after 1969 (year of merger) this share was stopped by Provincial government.

In the second half of the 1960s Wali of Swat introduced art silk looms industry. Cloth manufactured here was to be transported to Karachi and Faisalabad for dying, printing and marketing. This was of exportable quality and most of the cloth was used to be exported to African countries. Few units of the art silk industry were established by industrialists from Punjab and Sindh who were happened to be close friends of the Wali of Swat. Main attraction for this industry was the quota system regarding raw material. Special quota in duty free imported silk yarn for Swat State was fixed by the federal government. Though this facility was misused by the then industrialist who had hundreds of silk looms in Karachi and Faisalabad. The silk imported under the special quota was used by those industrialists in their Karachi and Faisalabad units and dispatched only small portion to Mingora units. Beside this incentive Afghan Transit system was another advantage. As Afghanistan is landlocked country so Pakistan is bound under UN charter, to allow its land and sea port for transit of Afghan goods from any foreign market. Traders from Afghanistan as well as from Pakistan were importing foreign goods including industrial raw material and smuggled back to Pakistan via tribal belt .

1970s was a volatile political era in the history of Pakistan. Nationalization of big industries and politically well propagated land reforms changed Socio-economic condition of the country. Similarly in Swat the traditional power centers were shocked. Big land lords started selling out their lands with throw away prices. Some general restrictions like ban on purchasing property by non-locals, ban on free migration etc were no more there. This resulted in large scale migration to Mingora. In 70s due to mass nationalization of big industries, the industrialization slowed down. The silk industry of Swat also received setback.

Meanwhile, due to already available residential and official infrastructures, Saidu Sharif was declared District and Divisional Headquarter. Life activities increased and small markets of goods and services flourished. Job opportunities for labor class were exposed in the Gulf countries and a significant number of the people went there. People from Nekpi khel, a small sub-division of Swat State in North of Mingora city migrated to Europe through Merchant Navy. Some of these people became involved in drugs supply to European countries and earned enormous black money. The huge cash inflow to Swat added a new dimension to social and economic set-up of the society. After the debacle of PPP government in1977, as a result of a military cop, once again the process of industrialization got momentum. In Mingora the locals invested huge amount in art silk industry.

In early 1980s heavy investment in silk industry was made. These art silk looms were to run on raw yarn, imported by Afghanistan through Afghan Transit trade agreement, smuggled back from Afghanistan . From 1977 to1988 silk industry witnessed enormous development and the number of units increased from 1800 looms to 15000 looms. Many units were installed by new investors and even those skilled persons who had been worked as labor in the looms established their own factories. Silk industry attracted thousand of labors and working force. The loom-related working force was earning Rs 30 million per month. With this industry more than 50000 people were directly and indirectly related.

In the same period money from Swatis leaving abroad, influenced the life style of the people of this region. They built expensive and modern houses; purchased properties and started investment in small businesses. Demand for shops and business centers increased and people in the central parts of the city started shifting in the outskirts while demolishing their old houses for commercial shops and buildings. Those residents who had not alternate spaces for new houses rebuilt their houses with double stories keeping ground floor for shops and the upper flour for residential purposes. This new construction pattern broke the social fabric/interaction among the bona fide residents of Mingora. They have built houses in the surroundings of the city and their frequent visits to each other houses, social gatherings in Hujrasetc was marred. In the meantime a significant number of the people from Buner, once part of the Swat State now separate district, proceeded to Malaysia, Singapore and Brunei. This migration from Buner boosted up the economic status of its people and the money was injected in the local markets of Mingora. People from Nekpi Khel and Buner purchased shops, hotels, agricultural lands and automobiles for private and public transport.

The North West Frontier Province possesses a unique cultural heritage. It has many fascinating buildings, archeological monuments, human cultures, native tribes, and folklore that are the product of a rich cultural history enhanced by the natural beauty of the varied landscapes of the province.

Swat is a land of many splendors. "Swat is the most historically interesting valley in Pakistan. It is also one of the most beautiful - certainly much greener and more fertile than the valleys further north because it lies within the monsoon belt. …In Upper Swat, the river tumbles through pine forests hemmed in by snow-capped mountains. … Around the 2nd century BC, the area was occupied by Buddhists, who were attracted by the peace and serenity of the land. There are many remains that testify to their skills as sculptors and architects. … For the historical and amateur archaeologists, Swat offers several hundreds archaeological sites spanning 5,000 years of history. For the sportsmen and trekkers, it offers good fishing and hiking.".

Saidu Sharif Museum has a rich collection of Gandhara sculptures taken from some of the Buddhist sites in Swat, rearranged and labeled to illustrate the Buddha's life story. Terracotta finger rings and utensils, beads, precious stones, coins, weapons and various metal objects illustrate daily life in Swat. The ethnographic section displays the finest examples of local embroidery, carved wood and tribal jewelry. The other main attractions of Swat are salubrious summer climate and scenic beauty, variety of flora and fauna, and trek along Ushu, Utror and Gabral valleys.

Unfortunately tourist traffic data is available only for Kalam, the most popular tourist spot. However, most of the tourists visiting Swat usually stay for some time in Mingora where there is enough hotel capacity to accommodate them. There has been gradual growth in the tourist flow during the last few years. The number of tourists visiting Swat were about 10000 in 1981. There was a slight growth in 1983. This trend continued up to 1987 when the tourists number reached upto 40000. The trend was relatively smooth till 1991 when there was a rapid increase and the number shoot up from 45000 to more than 60000 and in 1993 it reached upto 90000.

The growth for Kalam was due to the fact that road leading from Bahrain to Kalam was blacktoped in early 1980s which make the journey more comfortable and less time consuming. This coincides with Kalam Integrated Development Project (KIDP), started in 1982 with the support from SDC. While the provincial government improved the main Bahrain-Kalam Road, KIDP also developed a number a small shingle roads. This opened up the valley to the tourism. However, "Tourism in Swat is an informal sector activity. Ironically, its growth has been counter-productive for the economy of Swat. The haphazard construction of hotels on forested hill slopes and along riverbanks has led to deforestation and river pollution from direct disposal of solid and liquid wastes. The resulting ecological degradation has damaged the tourist potential. An unsustainable policy of industrialization has created more economic as well as environmental problem"." The KIDP, instead of developing Eco-tourism, introduced off-season vegetable and agriculture was developed enormously. This contributed, indirectly, to the deforestation. Large area of forest was cleared for agricultural purposes. This trend continues even today. Previously there were only 2 hotel, but from mid-1980s and onward there was a rapid growth in the hotels construction. And now there are about 150 hotels. Early 80s saw opening of another spot for tourists, the Malamjabba. MalamJabba scenic spot, with an elevation 8900 feet off the sea level is situated 45 kilometers North east of Mingora. Here a Chair-lift and a 4-star hotel was constructed with the Austrian assistance. (due to bureaucratic hurdles the lift and hotel could only be opened after about 10 yeas in 1998. However as a part of this project blacktopping of the road leading from Manglawar (A town 8 Kilometer on the Mingora Kalam Road) was done.

Yet another factor contributing to the tourism in Swat was the improvement of transport due to the introduction of a scheme for the provision of vehicles for public transport at subsidized rate. A large number of vehicles were purchased by the local transporters. Since vehicles purchased under this scheme were not provided route permits, necessary under the law. These were not allowed to play between big cities down country. Therefore large number of vehicles were diverted to routes like Kalam, Bahrain, Madayan and Matta. This also makes the journey more comfortable and less time consuming.

Keeping in view the trend from 1985-92, it was projected that there will be a steady growth and in the year 2000 the number of tourists may reach more than 250000. However there was a sharp drop in the tourist flow in 1994 due to Tahrik Nifaz-e-Shariat-e-Muhammadi (TNSM) agitation for enforcement for Islamic law in the Malakand Division. To press for their demand, TNSM workers blocked the main road to Malakand Division in May 1994. It was projected that in 1995 the tourist flow will drop to 50000/year and this trend will continue in case TNSM remained active and only a small growth will occur due the population growth.

According to the local hotels association, the number of hotels in Mingora, in 1988-93 were 30 which shoot up to 100 during 1994-99. This increase corresponds to the hotel increase in Kalam (from 20 to 150).

After merger, Swat economy was at its peak in the 1980s. In this decade Afghan war was also in full swing and its impact was witnessed on all Pakhtun region. Many social evils like drugs and arms smuggling were the bye-products of the war. Gun culture caught deep root even in the educational institutions of Pakistan in general and NWFP in particular. And every family in Pakhtun region bought more than one kalashnikov.

In 1979 when mass migration from Afghanistan took place the then Military Government in Pakistan established refugees camps in various parts of NWFP. One such camp was proposed in Swat but Ex-Wali of Swat used his influence not to build refugees camp in Swat. He was of the opinion that this might had adverse affect on the Socio-economic condition of Swat. Before the USSR withdrawal the Afghan refugees were mostly restricted to their camps and were not so free in their movements but after the troops withdrawal Afghan refugees movement was allowed and they reached every part of NWFP. Large number of Afghans also came to Swat and started pity jobs. With the passage of time they established their permanent businesses. Now when all Afghanis were by-choice refugees and their movement was not restricted their visits to Swat became frequent. They intervened mainly in cloth and food businesses in the whole valley. Presently Afghan refugees have established strong hold in cloth markets.

After 1989 when Soviet troops withdrew from Afghanistan the situation took U turn. International trade organization took all international business forums at storm against trade incentives like Export Rebate and uncontrolled transit trades. With the disintegration of USSR all global trade forces focussed on central Asian markets. In 1990s a strong blow of the recession hit the economy of this area. As a result of GATT agreement the exporters were no more eligible to get rebate on their export. The art silk looms owners of Mingora also affected. They started exporting their products, after necessary processing in Karachi. Meanwhile, due to immense pressure of national and international business organization Pakistani government banned the import of some items including silk yarn under Afghan Transit Trade. Afghani investors stopped investing in the banned items. The Mingora ‘s investors faced problems as they were used to buy the high quality (Taiwan, Korean & Japan made) of silk yarn at RS 36/pound and now forced to buy Pakistan made silk yarn of moderate quality at RS. 62/pound. And thus the industry down fall began. This decision was appreciated by the industrialists from Sindh and Punjab as resulted in the elimination of tough competitor (Swati industrialist). The silk industrialist in Swat stared scraping their machines. This crisis gave rise to many economic and social changes.

A significant number of working force got unemployed. Demand of daily used items decreased manifolds. Those workers who were migrated from other areas left Mingora and demand of residential houses reduced and rents came down. Number of pushing carts and Rickshaws increased in the city because the displaced working power had to seek alternative jobs. In every production sector demand for labor decreased and labors bargaining power weakened. Some of the laborers who were involved in works like loading and unloading and they came daily from the surrounding villages started illegal cutting of forests while the rest have migrated to Punjab, Karachi and Balochistan for jobs.

Those Punjabis or Sindhi skilled persons who stayed here for the last ten to fifteen years got married and after downfall of silk industry they left Swat for their native towns. Those who are economically suffered have faced socially embarrassing situation in the society.

In early 1990s the Gulf war brook out and a large number of people came back rather sent back. As Pakistani people took on the roads against the US and European attacks on Iraq while Pakistani Government reluctantly supported this action. Public demonstrations in Pakistan in favor of Iraq made the Saudi Arabia annoyed and large number of Pakistanis were pushed out from Gulf States in which many from this area were also included. This disturbed foreign remittances to this area. Meanwhile severe recession hit the South East Asia countries and those who were working in Malaysia also suffered. Migration rate to South East Asian countries decreased.

Such international events severely affected the local economy. But some National policies and actions brought little relief for the local markets. Pakistan government withdrew the incentive of free tax zones for the industrial zones. Azad Kashmir was one of those areas where from large number of cosmetic manufacturers shifted to Swat. Because Swat is still tax free zone. About 20 cosmetic manufacturing units were established in Swat, which provided jobs to around 5000 people. But this time the employees were of different kind. In the cosmetic factories women and children (above 14 years) were provided with employment. This industry did not make significant change in the local economy but the important point is that for the first time it formalized the woman job outside the houses in Swat.

Since the early 1990s world trade agents started efforts to reach to Central Asian markets. On the same lines China and Pakistan further developed communication channels while keeping the idea in mind to access to Central Asia through Northern Areas of Pakistan. A new road was built by Chines from its province, Schingai to Pakistani boarder, Soust. Meanwhile China very promptly established industries in the same province. The products are mainly gift items, cheap electrical and electronic goods and textile. Instead of supplying these goods to Central Asian States, Pakistani and Afghani traders diverted the supply line to this area.

The trade is estimated to be in the tune of US$ 1 billion. It is to be noted that the silk route in Pakistan is tax exempted area and no law of tax revenue of Pakistan is applicable on these products and a similar facility exists in Malakand division. The suppliers bring the Chines goods to Mingora for transit purposes and forward it to different parts of Pakistan. Due to its new position Mingora again become very important and large number of business men from all over the country visit Mingora daily. Down-country supply of goods is considered an illegal practice/ smuggling. But despite of ban, these goods can be found almost in every big market of the country.

The city transit role reactivated the economic activities. New shopping centers and warehouses are being built. Business men from various parts come here and spend additional two to three days for excursion which help the tourism sector.

Migration from the continental mountain environment is perceived as a desirable characteristic for economic development and efficient allocation of resources. People are pushed out from the rural areas of mountains by poverty and seasonality and pulled to the cities by hopes and opportunities.

The migration pattern in the Swat valley macro environment may be classified into internal migration and external migration. Internal migration include (1) seasonal migration of nomadic pastoralists for grazing (2) casual migration for wage labor from one rural area to another rural area for temporary jobs with in the Swat valley macro environment and (3) daily, seasonal or permanent migration to Mingora City. The external migration includes labor migration to Middle East, Southeast Asia and working labor in merchant shops, as well as, labor migration to the industries and mining centers in the Punjab, Sindh, and Balochistan provinces within the country. In Malakand Division the people residing in different meso environmental zones have sorted out different external niches for migration. The reason is that when any member from a particular rural area migrates and locates a good job, he starts efforts to bring other relatives and friends as well. In this manners people from a specific zone generally proceed to specified destination. After migration there also exists a variable potentials for excess among immigrants to a particular earning activity based upon their links and potentials.

Among different social groups, the more well off proceed to highly paid areas e.g. the well off owner group from fertile areas of Bunair use to migrate to South East Asia, where they act as mobile cloth retailers, an activity with relatively highly paid. The people from Chitral in many situation however, migrates only up to Peshawar City, where they work as labor in the hotels, a low paid activity or do the business in famous Chitrali woolen handicrafts, a relatively highly paid activity. Similarly the well off people from Kabal Tehsil in Swat valley used to proceed for job in Merchant Navy as seaman again a high paid activity. The migration to Middle East is, however, quite evenly distributed in the Southern parts of Malakand Division i.e. excluding Chitral and Kohistan.

The poor people from steep slope of Dir and Alpurai area used to migrate for work in coal mines on seasonal basis in Punjab, Balochistan and Sindh Province. This migration has been formalized in the sense that the contractors belonging to the supplying region facilitate the migration and bridges the gap between Labor demand and supplies. Another industry having complementarities with the seasonal Labor migration is the sugar milling industry, which is only functional during winter season. Among different social groups, the more well off proceeds to high paid area, involving high migration cost (South East Asia, Middle east and merchant navy labor). The migrants with higher middle status proceed to the big cities particularly Karachi for business, trade and service in formal and informal sectors.

The lower middle and poor people proceed on seasonal basis for labor in coal mines and loading/unloading in sugar mills and ship breaking industry in Gadani in Balochistan. Migrant to Mingora for wage labor is limited to the most marginalised poor. The middle class migrate to the city mainly for technical activities and service, where as the well off migrate to Mingora for business and trade. The migration from the mountainous regions, on one side causes the shortage of working labor during harvest season, inefficient use of natural resource based and over burdening as well as empowering the women in agriculture and livestock activities. The population growth in such areas become remittances dependent and most of the money earned is invested in house building. The amount of remittances earned vary enormously from region to region and occupation to occupation, but the labor migration to Middle East, duck yard labor and migration to South East Asia are considered high paying earning opportunities. In almost all the situations the money earned is spent in construction of houses and shops mostly in their original rural areas and occasionally in Mingora City. Purchase of land in the native area is probably the only other alternative. There is nominal investment in productive activities. The main reasons may be either the economic bias of national agricultural policy, which has made the rural agriculture, an uneconomical activity and unfeasible for investment, or lack of awareness of the traditional formers from the off-season complementary marketable production possibilities in rural area and investment possibilities in urban sector.

Migration abroad is considered as the 1st degree migration having high paid but also having higher immigration costs. The migration to Karachi for informal and formal activities is the 2nd degree migration and is mainly limited to the owner user group with intermediate income. This is the migration with medium paid off and medium immigration costs. The labor migration to Mingora can be classed as third degree labor migration and is usually limited to physically weak, less motivated and most marginalised (tenants) when they migrate for wage labor. The middle class owner users also migrate to Mingora but for technical activities having high returns while the relatively more well off come to Mingora for business. The motivated tenants also migrate for working in the coal mines and loading/unloading labor in sugar mills. Such migration is almost exclusively seasonal in nature.

As the owners, tenants and grazers occupy different ecological niches and have differential excess to resources. The poorer segments in each of these social groups have adopted different occupations in Mingora. Also the distance from the Mingora City has a bearing on their occupations. The rural poor from nearby hill slopes come on daily basis while those from relatively remote areas come on seasonal or permanent basis. Daily migrating labor, mainly come from the surrounding 15-20 kilometer radius while settled labor immigrants migrate from remote areas.

During the first population census in 1951, the total population of Mingora was 13648. Since then the city’s population increased manifolds and in 1998 it became 174,669 which is thirteen times more than the population in 1951. This tremendous growth rate is mainly due to the high birth rate, continue extension in M.C limits, and immigration. The growth rate in the city shows a great variation. The following table gives population and intercensal increase of the city since 1951.

The table shows that during the period between 1972 and 1981, the city witnessed a tremendous high growth rate of 10.26 percent per annum. This sharp increase took place because of the accumulation of a number of factors, the most contributing of which are the following.

In 1976 when the city’s town committee was upgraded to Municipal Committee an extension in the city boundaries took place and new densely populated villages i.e. Amankot, Saidu Sharif and Nawa Kalay were included in the Municipal Committee limits. With the gradual growth of the city the increasing job and trade opportunities not only pulled the labor from the surrounding rural area, but also from other towns and cities. Before the merger of the state the ownership of land in the valley was limited to Pukhtoon owner group or Miangan. Even Pakhtoon and Miangan shifted from outside the state (from Malakand Agency, Dir and Mardan) were not eligible for the purchase of land. Also the marginalised segments of the local society i.e. tenants, Gujars, Ajars and professionals were not allowed to purchase land. An outsider wished to establish a business in Mingora city, he was obliged to search for a local partner a sponsor or a guarantor. Any tourist entering the state was obliged to obtain a transit/permit for his stay in the state at different entry points. This kept the migration to Mingora predominantly localized. On the other hand ex-state authorities also facilitated the establishment of power looms silk industry and facilitated the custom free import of the silk for the purpose. For the running the industry, the mill labor and technician from different areas of Punjab were the earliest external immigrant, starting from 1966 and continued even after the merger. In 1992 the industry collapsed as a result of changing of import and export policies of the state. This rendered thousands of local as well as the immigrants technicians from Punjab jobless. The technical labor from Punjab and the mill labors migrated from the local macro environment mostly leased their residences in Rahimabad and Amankot area (previously Sarkanai and Katailai respectively). After merger of Swat State the local state authority collapsed and their was a rush of immigrants from other areas to the city. The traders from down districts particularly from Mardan, Peshawar and the adjacent tribal areas also shifted to Mingora for seeking income earning opportunities. However the main immigrant from these were the technical class. The modern sector technicians used to open workshops for various activities (automobile, refrigeration, electronics etc.) in the city and these workshops served as schools for the children of local labor for learning the skills. These immigrants mainly settled in Watkay ( Shahdara) and Naway Kalay.

The other main immigrants were those from service class. With the collapse of ex-Wali authority, the formal state institution replaced with new institutions. For these the already employed staff working in different department in the province were transferred to Mingora. After transfer a large proportion the official /officers opted to settle in the city. These immigrant mainly occupied the College Colony, Shagai, Saidu Sharif, Faiz Abad and Gulkada areas. The original population of the city has become limited to a few mohallas. These mohallas were independent villages in the past at distances of 2-4kms from each other. These included Saidu Sharif, Mingora, Panr, Amankot, Nawaykalay and Takhta Band. With the establishment of political center in Saidu Sharif and subsequent trade center in Mingora, these villages extended and subsequently merged in order to accommodate the increasing immigrants coming to the city in search of employment. The occupation of these immigrants in the city tremendously differs, on the basis of their potentials (Technical know-how, education, physique etc.), duration of stay and ethnic background. Those having professional ethnic background like barbers, carpenters, blacksmith, usually stick to their professional work, while the tenants and owner users mainly shifted to the technical activities in the modern sector.

According to the survey, the immigrants coming for daily wages labor have been observed to be coming from the hilly slopes of Charbagh Tehsil including whole of Malam Jaba valley, the hill slopes surrounding Deolai, Banjoot & Gwarathhai in the suburbs of Minglawar town, Islampur and Marghuzar valley, Kokarai and Jambil valley and Odigram. All these areas are away from Mingora city center at a distance of not more than 15 km. Also the immigrants for daily wage labor mainly belonged to rain fed terraced farming systems (Zone E) and mainly belong to tenant class. However, some wages labor used to come from the gentle slope rain fed and irrigated plain areas (Zone B+C), like Odigram and a few belonged to owner user class as well. In some situations the immigrant from a specific area are clustered at a particular place or adopt a specific wage labor activity e.g., the wage labor working in different services stations, mainly belonged to Shingrai, a rural area of the steep terraced slope (Zone E) in the vicinity of Mingora. All the residents of this village belonged to tenant class. However the majority of the daily migrating wage labor remains involved in occasional loading and unloading and labor in construction work. The intensity of a particular daily wage labor activity may also very temporally. In summer more jobs are available in construction work and commercial agriculture in the suburbs of the city.

The wages labor settled in Mingora city mostly belonged to the faraway hilly areas, beyond Matta, Khawaza Khela; and Shangla, Bunair and Dir districts. In Mingora these labor occupy Kacha houses at the hilly slopes extension at Gulkada, Malook abad, Faizabad, Sethi mill mohalla, Amankot, Shagai, Rahimabad, Odigram and the stream bank areas exposed to flooding in Landikas, and Wazir-I-Mall mohalla. The settled wages labor usually succeeds in locating a less laborious and permanently available loading/ unloading work in vegetable market and wholesale markets. According to 1998 population census, the city faced an annual growth of 4.1 percent, while this figure for Pakistan and N.W.F.P’s urban areas remained 3.45 percent and 3.46percent respectively. The high growth rate in Mingora is again due to the extension in the Municipal Committee limits, as in 1995 four new villages namely, Shagai, Engaroderai, Rahimabad and Panr from the rural areas were included in the city M.C. limits. If these new included areas are excluded, then the city annual growth rate reduces to 3.56 percent which is nearly the same as that of N.W.F.P. Out of this growth rate 3.33 percent is due natural growth and 0.23 percent due to immigration.

Mingora is the only urban locality in Malakand Division and has 0.99 percent population of N.W.F.P which is 5.9 percent of the province total urban population. The population density is 7594 persons per square kilometre, with an average household size of 8.88. Moreover, in the city there is preponderance of male over female. The sex ratio is 105.2, which is nearly the same as that in the whole N.W.F.P urban areas, which is 105.6.

As for the social setting of the city is concerned, it is mainly inhabited by Yousafzai Pathans, Parachas and Miangans all belong to "Hanifya" school of thought. A small minority population, consisting of Sikhs, Hindus and Christians also reside over here. Besides, the local citizens (Pakistanis), a sizeable number of Afghan Refuges are living here, most of whom are engaged in business in Mingora. Their number is estimated to be 1500/2000. These are in addition to the Afghan students studying in various religious institution.

The history of urbanization of Mingora is not very long. The small villages before 1950 namely Mingora, Saidu Sharif, Amankot, Shagai, Naway Kalay and Qambar gradually merged to form the city. Saidu Sharif was the political center of the Swat State, while its population was mainly comprising of the state servants. On the other hand Mingora subsequently developed into a market to serve as stay and commodities sale center for the visitors from all surroundings to the state center. The concentration of communication, health, education and other facilities of public service between Mingora and Saidu Sharif further complemented the process of urbanization. Another important factor was the potential for tourism in the area. The establishment of roads network by the ex-Wali and prevailing peace and security situation promoted the tourism, hence it led to the development of hotels and markets for tourist goods in Mingora. The silk industry was also promoted during the ex-state period and the areas on the road from Mingora to Peshawar (Amankot, Rahim Abad and Qambar) were the industry cluster.

Although the road network to the town of Mingora was sufficient until the merger of the Swat State and short term solutions to the expending town were routinely carried out, however a long term phased planning was never carried out.

The institutional vacuum created by the collapse of existing institutions and slow pace of alternatives establishment played the key role in the unregulated growth of Mingora. Before the merger Mingora was the political/trade center of Swat State. However after the merger it became the divisional Headquarter, hence its zone of influence considerably extended. Before the merger the immigrants from other zones and local disadvantaged land segments were not allowed to posses land ownership. The land surroundings the city was either state owned or communal property. However after the merger, during the transitional period most of the state land was claimed by the occupants. The lifting of regulations from sale and purchase or property, also resulted in mass transactions, the traditional land owners being the main sellers and the immigrants being the main purchasers. The hillside communal land after ownership fragmentation was sold by the owner group mainly to the immigrants and the money earned was mainly inverted in construction of shops. The labors were the main purchasers at steep slope hillside areas (Gumbat Mera steep, Gulkada steep, Amankot steep, Rahim Abad steep) while the relatively well off (shopkeeper and technical) were the purchaser of gentle slope areas (Gumbat Mera gentle, Gulkada gentle, Malook Abad gentle). Both the areas were having different rates. On the steep slope areas no water supply facilities were available before the merger, however the elected rural bodies during Zia-ul-Haq regime (1977-1988) the water supply schemes were extended to the steep slope areas and this facilitated the rapid growth of urban sprawls on the steep slopes. The shifting of vegetable markets and some general bus stands to Naway Kalay and Watkay the automobile mechanic workshops clusters were established at these areas and the fertile crop land of these areas were rapidly converted into mechanical workshops. The cultivated lands of Takhtaband, initially used for grain production at subsistence level gradually converted into vegetable and dairy commercial production areas. The extension of city to these area is gradually converting these areas into housing colonies, where the well off traders and owner groups are gradually clustering. The Fizagat area is gradually shifting into tourist hotels area. The small villages on the main road leading to Peshawar up to Barikot are also on the way of merging. The extension of city is also going on Kabal side, Matta side, Khwaza Khella side and narrow side valleys of Marghuzar and Jambil. Hence the planning for the next 25 years needs to include the areas from Matta and Khwaza Khella to Kabal and Barikot as well.

Before 1950 each of the component small village (Mingora, Amankot, Naway Kalay) was having the traditional social structure, including an owner group, religious group, tenants, Grazers and professionals living together under a traditional system evolved through centuries. This classical structure can still be observed in the rural area surrounding Mingora and its strength increases with the increasing difficulty in access. During 1950-70 the urbanization process at first the local Traders (Parachkan) and Goldsmiths (Zargaran) to prosper. However after merger the immigrants role in the trade and labor increased. The changing population dynamic and the shift from subsistence level forming to trade and commerce also served the classical structure, and the rules of the game changed from ethnicity to earning potentials although the transformation is not yet complete. The local traditions and the traditions of different immigrants are jointly molding under the influence of trade and commerce.

Although during the ex-state times the peace and security situation was excellent and the region was prosperous. The political power was concentrated with owner group (Pukhtoon and Miangan). The disadvantaged in the society were not allowed to posses land owner ship and they were not represented in the rural institution of Jirga (Assembly of the elders). The merger of state broke down the rules and the equity was promoted. During the ex-state times their monarchy and the people had no right to vote. After 1969 the general election and the socialistic oriented pheasant movement in the N.W.F.P. greatly influenced the disadvantaged in Swat Valley. Most of the tenants and Gujars who leased the steep sloped areas for ramified cropping and livestock production claimed the ownership of the lands in their possession.

The communal property and the property of the kin’s of ex-Wali were the most affected areas. The main consequences were that most of the communal owners sold their lands on easy terms to the occupants. In some area land ownership disputes irrupted and some segments e.g. Ajars (the transhumant herders) gradually lost their grazing right on low land hill side range. The mistrust among the various social segments was promoted and in turn the social coercion was disputed. The recruitment of disadvantaged for labor to the Middle East further empowered them in monetary terms and this interns effected the land ownership pattern.

The urbanization also resulted in the prosperity of Business class and traders and the majority of the tenants and grazers residing in Mingora opted to shift to urban economic activities instead to continue the subsistence level agricultural production.

The consequences in terms of political expression are obvious and the classical social structure in Mingora has completely disrupted or changed, however in the rural surroundings it still continues. The owner groups in different valleys have given different concessions to the disadvantaged in order to maintain their political power. The Gujars have also created their own political associations, while the remaining disadvantaged groups have not yet politically organized. The Mingora however the different technical groups have their own political associations to look after their working environment e.g. Rickshaw drivers union, shopkeeper association and different labor association. The process of political awareness is however on and duly affected by the broader political transformations.

Mingora Municipal committee area is divided into twenty-five electoral wards. Its population is 174469. The municipal waste generates at the rate of 0.4kg ⁽⁾ per capita daily making a total of 62.7 tones per day. The generated amount of 0.4kg/ capita includes commercial and industrial waste. But the grand total is calculated according to the city population excluding the amount generated by the daily migrants and tourists. Municipal committee is solely responsible for its collection and disposal. The municipality, therefore, allocates its major financial and human resources to sanitary section. For instance in 1997-98 budget, 56.08% of its total establishment charges went to sanitary section. Out of its 372 employees, 205 persons are deputed in sanitary section of MC. The sanitary staff is equipped with the following facilities.

With the available resources each municipal worker (on-duty sweeper) is supposed to collect the house hold solid waste of 135.6 houses daily. Municipal committee has no proper dumping site or treatment plant. All the collected waste is being disposed off to waterways, on barren hill’s sides and uncultivated fields in the outskirts of the city. The citizens in two different surveys narrated the collection and disposal mechanism. The surveys were conducted in 1995 and 1998 for the 1^st Phase and the second 2^nd Phase of the research, respectively. The findings of the surveys reflect the perception of the inhabitants about the solid waste management system.

Code	Nallah/ Drain	M.C. Cont	O. Plot	S. Site	Street	Khwer	Kander	Fields	Home
1	8	8	61	15	8	0	0	0	0
2	7	0	52	24	13	0	0	3	0
3	7	0	27	53	7	0	0	0	7
4	0	0	12	82	0	0	6	0	0
5	4	4	41	15	22	7	7	0	0
6	4	0	44	17	35	0	0	0	0
7	15	0	54	23	0	0	8	0	0
8	9	0	91	0	0	0	0	0	0
9	13	0	75	0	0	0	0	12	0
10	0	7	29	7	43	0	0	0	14
11	8	3	16	16	41	0	0	0	16
12	0	0	22	56	22	0	0	0	0
13	0	0	37	31	19	0	0	0	13
14	29	0	12	24	11	14	0	0	10
15	34	4	12	23	12	0	0	0	15
16	13	0	45	36	3	0	0	3	0
17	5	0	29	47	0	19	0	0	0
18	33	0	24	38	5	0	0	0	0
19	0	0	40	60	0	0	0	0	0
20	42	0	33	25	0	0	0	0	0
21	20	0	20	60	0	0	0	0	0
22	9	0	36	46	0	0	0	0	0
23	25	0	15	55	5	0	0	0	0
24	29	0	21	46	4	0	0	0	0
25	9	0	33	58	0	0	0	0	0
City %	12.92	1.04	35.24	34.28	10	1.6	0.84	0.72	3

Note: M.C. Cont: Municipal Committee Container Khwar: Natural Water Drain O. Plot: Open Plot Kander: Eroded House S. Site: Specific Site

Code	MC	None	Other/Farmer
1	31	69	0
2	23	50	27
3	20	13	67
4	0	6	94
5	41	22	30
6	58	33	9
7	14	50	36
8	18	46	36
9	12	38	50
10	86	14	0
11	79	21	0
12	88	12	0
13	88	12	0
14	34	58	8
15	63	37	0
16	7	68	25
17	55	32	13
18	25	50	25
19	0	78	22
20	9	82	9
21	10	70	20
22	59	41	0
23	70	30	0
24	26	65	9
25	17	17	66
City %	37.32	40.56	21.84

In 1957 when Mingora Municipal committee was established by the Wali of Swat, Socio- economic setup of Mingora was nearer to rural life. Economically people were mainly dependent on agriculture and local population was not more than 25,000. For dumping of household refuse every landowner had his own dumping place, locally called Deraan. These dumping places were of importance because its waste was used as agriculture manure. And there are examples of bloody clashes among the people due to the disputes on ownership of Deraans. The ingredients of solid waste generated at house hold level were biodegradable because the life style was very simple. In the markets the daily use commodities were available in indigenous packing and the existence of non-biodegradable components in household waste was non-existent. Besides the kitchen waste, Deraan were also used for the disposal of dry latrine’s refuse. The females and children used most commonly dry latrines while the male members used the surrounding fields for defecation. Females and children used to dispose off the house waste into Deraan. And for cultural reasons females and children dispose the dry latrine and other waste to Deraan, even male house servants are not supposed to do this task. After every year farmers cleaned the Deraans and took the decomposed waste to their fields.

In 1969 Swat State was merged in Pakistan and Mingora was declared headquarter of Malakand division. This part of the region became hub of political, commercial and official activities. Restriction on migrants was no more there. Many new departments and official colonies were established. New areas were incorporated into municipal limits. In the seventies and early eighties many political changes in the country affected the socio-economic set-up of this area. People traveled to Gulf countries, Europe, Far-East Asia and big cities of Pakistan for cash earning. Heavy remittances changed the life style of the people and consumption tendency diverted from traditional commodities to modern tastes of corporate culture. House structure changed and modern facilities were provided. Demand for the shopping centers and residential houses increased manifolds. Rapid colonization on the surrounding fertile agricultural lands reduced the demand of agriculture manure as the economic return of Deraan increased than its previous use because of construction of shops on it. The chemistry of solid waste changed and non-biodegradable ingredients increased both in the household as well as in the commercial waste. The expansion of the city boundary upto the top of adjacent mountains caused problems for the municipal authorities for extension of sanitation services.

Municipal sanitary workers collect the waste from the streets and dump it on roadsides. From here MC trucks collect the waste for final disposal. These transfer spots are not properly built and protected. Similarly the disappearance of traditional dumping sites, Deraans, in old parts of the city and in the newly developed areas the concept of Deraan does not exist and the solid waste is directly disposed into drains.

EPS developed a project proposal regarding the construction of transfer stations and dumping places under the following hypotheses. Solid waste management practices can be improved if

For the implementation of National Conservation Strategy (NCS) Federal Government of Pakistan announced small grants program for NGOs. The NGOs working in any of the fourteen areas of NCS are eligible to apply for upto one million rupees for a project. In 1996 when government invited applications EPS submitted the project proposal to the Environment & Urban affaire Division [now Ministry of Environment, Local Government and Rural Development (MELG&RD)] for designing and fixation of dustbins in Mingora City. MELG&RD approved a grant of RS. 0.1 million in two equal installments. EPS signed an agreement of collaboration with MC Mingora. It was the first experience of MC to work jointly with an NGO and that of EPS to work jointly with a government body.

First installment of Rs. 50,000/- was released in 1996. Sites were selected by MC sanitary inspector and EPS social organizer and designs were prepared by EPS technical staff and MC engineers. Seven different spots were finalized in the first phase.

The selection criterion for these sites was that these spots were already under the use of MC staff as transfer points. The sweepers collected the solid waste from streets and roads and dumped on these spots.

Generally government departments are reluctant to work with NGOs. EPS initiated construction of garbage dumps and completed it in close collaboration with MC. This was a confidence building activity between MC and EPS. EPS had an opportunity to understand the institutional hierarchy, decisions making process and limitations of the municipality. Construction of garbage dumps paved the way for future partnership with MC. Beside getting organizational and institutional insight EPS provided a supportive action in the beautification of he city. Before construction of dumps filthy water from the collected solid waste flowed on the roads and caused nuisance and health threat to the inhabitants. Open heaps of garbage are a cause of bad impression on the tourists. The environment of places like fruit and vegetable market was improved, friendly tendency was developed among the shopkeepers and they got used to dispose off their commercial refuse in the dumps. A sense of collective responsibility developed among the users. At some points traffic flow was disrupted due to garbage heaps on the roadside. After construction of bin the traffic flow became smooth.

Some sites selected by MC proved to be disputed when the locals raised the question of land ownership.

In two such cases Haji Baba Chowk and Old post office Road the work was stopped by two different individuals who claimed the land as their private property. MC Authorities could not dismiss their claim any way. In general bus stand an owner of automobile workshop removed the walls and shifted it to another place without permission of MC authorities.

Before going to start the work at one spot shopkeepers were not taken into confidence. When the work started they came to resist it and the spot was changed.

During the follow up survey it was noticed that some dumps were not designed properly and sweepers were facing problems to push the loaded trolley up inside the bin.

After completion of the first phase, second installment of funds was released in 1997. Meanwhile, institutional transformation was taking place within EPS. At management level professionals were hired. This was decided to involve the UPMSP team for construction of garbage dumps. All the responsibility related with the construction of the dumps i.e., sites selection, community mobilization, interaction with other partners and organizing training workshops and seminars on solid waste management was carried out by the team. After initial survey UPMSP intervened into those parts of the city where people used to throw the solid waste into natural drains, water ways and open spots from where the it finds its way into Khuwars (streams) and ultimately into River Swat. In site selection the slums areas were preferred.

Initially Aliabad, Bangladesh, Shagai, Lower Saidu, Upper Saidu, Shahdara, Rahimabad and Usmanabad were selected for work.. Aliabad, Bangladesh, Shagai and Shahdara are newly emerging residential parts of the city. Here most of the inhabitants are low/middle income class and also migrants from the other parts of Malakand Division. Level of environmental awareness among the people was not satisfactory.

UPMSP organized meetings with community members and motivated the dormant CBOs. An agreement was signed by EPS, MCM and CBO. In the agreement clause C (II) the CBO was made responsible for the provision of an undisputed communal land for the construction of dumping bins. The size of land, which had to be required, was preferably 8x6x4 feet. In clause C (2) (3) it was agreed upon that CBO will contribute in the construction cost upto 20%. This contribution was in the shape of sand and gravel as construction materials. The provision of unskilled labor was also on the CBO part.

In Aliabad, Shagai and Bangladesh, the CBOs could not provide the required land for the construction of dumping bins. The reason was that each inhabitant purchased a plot for construction of houses and no communal land existed here. They did not spare an inch of their plots outside their boundary but rather encroached on streets.

In such circumstances it was impossible for UPMSP to implement the idea of construction of solid waste dumping bins of the standard size. Next option was to introduce concrete rings of 3 feet diameter. These rings were supposed to be installed in the wide streets, which could not block the streets for the vehicles. The idea was discussed with MC and CBOs and they agreed with it. As such 89 RCC rings were provided to the CBOs of Saidu, Shagai, Aliabad, Rahimabad and watkey.

It was observed that some CBOs existed but were dormant because they were formed for the solution of a specific problem. Whenever they got the solution for that problem, their interest in CBO fizzled out. A similar situation happened in the case of Bangladesh where very active CBO existed in 1996 when floods hit this locality. This area is located on the Bank of Jambil Khuwar and was badly damaged in 1996 monsoon rains. In that flood a suspension bridge which connected Bangladesh with markets area of Mingora was washed away. At that time a group of youth formed an organization and ran an effective campaign of donations for the reconstruction of the suspension bridge. They held demonstration and rallies in the city and forced the local administration to help them on priority bases and succeeded to collect the required money in less than one-month time.

For solid waste management program some of their office bearers have shown interest and even signed the agreement with EPS and MC Mingora. But when the implementation stage reached the CBO could not came up collectively. It was because of differences among the office bearers. These differences were due to the personnel conduct of the CBO president and the group was not ready to work with him. The president was not ready to accept the allegations leveled against him and therefore he was not ready to leave his office. UPMSP tried to bring them on one table for talks and succeeded in this purpose but after negotiations the situation reverted to the previous level. It was noted that some of the influential elders were manipulating the organization for political reasons. UPMSP stepped back and adopted the policy of wait and see.

In lower Saidu a CBO was formed by UPMSP. Solid waste management program was initiated with them. The community contributed in kind and cash. When construction work was started Government announced local bodies elections (which were latter postponed for indefinite period). This announcement disturbed the organizational structure of newly formed CBO because some of the office bearers suddenly announced their participation in local bodies elections without any political background. The political activists of the CBO retaliated and openly came up in opposition. This led the CBO to break down. But the work was completed.

Since 1992 local bodies elections are not held. In the absence of elected representatives in municipality the people have a little say in policy formulation and in implementation process. Ad-hoc policies have been adopted for the management of the city. In management issues the role of communities is not duly recognized. On the part of communities no serious efforts are being made to contribute positively. Before EPS intervention community organizations were least interested in the solid waste management. These organizations lodge complaints in MC offices against the lethargy of sanitation staff. The concept of charity and social work was more stronger among the CBOs, as compared to development. They kept themselves away from such issues.

EPS involved the CBOs in solid waste issue for the first time. They accepted the responsibility for improvement in sold waste management. They singed an agreement with MC and started collaboration with it. They highlighted the role, responsibilities and limitations of MC to the common people.

When CBOs became active the local politicians felt threatened and they promptly reacted. From provincial headquarter Yellow dustbins were sanctioned and installed quickly. The government made many mistakes during this hasty exercise. In Rahimabad while the CBO was installing RCC bins, yellow dustbins reached the spot, which resulted to stop RCC bins installation.

It was undesirable activity for MC sweepers because previously they disposed the collected waste into waterways and in open drains but now they had to collect the waste from these bins. Also that they were bound for efficiency due to official agreement.

This activity caused a reaction among the politicians and they ordered the installation of yellow dustbins in different parts of the city without proper planning.

Provincial government imposed ban on the use of plastic shopping bags in 1999. EPS decided to clean the city drains and streets from disposed plastic bags in the light of the above decision. The clean-up activity was carried out in collaboration with Swat Boy Scouts Association (SBSA) and Shaheen Scouts District Swat in Municipal limits. The idea behind this activity was to motivate masses against the disadvantages and irrational use of polythene bags. EPS involved all the stakeholders including education department, Municipal committee, Police department, Health department and local administration. Education high-ups directed all schools in municipal and surrounding areas to send 40 to 60 students for this activity. A total of 1060 students participated in the activity. For the first time in Mingora City such a large number of students took on the streets and roads for clean-up campaign. Traffic police and security squads were directed by high-ups to extend all possible help. Municipal authorities provided 200 empty bags and deployed a group of sanitary workers for assistance. EPS and SBSA divided Mingora into ten zones and in each zone more than one hundred students were deployed in the guidance of their teachers. In each zone EPS members and councilors were also deployed to help the teachers and to take care of the students. But unfortunately the decision of government about ban on plastic bags was challenged in the court and latter on (after July 1st) court decided against the government decision

Municipal sweeper is the main character in the sanitation and solid waste management system. He is in the lowest grade. His basic pay scale (BPS) is Rs.1245 (US$22.35) which increases by the rate of Rs.35 per annum. He is promoted to next grade after fifteen years service. They work without any protective measures and tools like gloves, mask and long shoes. The level of facilities for health can be judged from that for the 204 employees of sanitary section only five thousands rupees are allocated in the annual budget of municipality. Out of 204 sanitary staff 191 are sweepers and the rest are inspectors and supervisors. For the recruitment of new sweepers MC has to get permission from the Provincial government. Last permission for the creation of new posts for sweepers was given in 1991 when the number of electoral wards in Municipal area was fifteen. And after that no new vacancy is provided while municipal wards are increased to 25. The available sanitary workers are not properly being utilized and many of them are working in other sections of Municipality.

The municipal worker job is one of the most unattractive post in almost all government services. Local people usually do not apply for this post. Most of the sweepers in MC Mingora are outsiders. They are inhabitants of the far-flung hilly areas like Dir , Kohistan, and upper Swat.

In Mingora there are two types of sanitary workers: MC employees and private workers. The private sanitary workers are generally migrated from the Punjab and they are Christians. They have separate residential colony in the city and separate contact places (offices) in a hotel in the city center. These Christian sweepers migrated to Swat during State era. At that time the flush latrines were not common. In late sixties two or three hotels of middle standard introduced flush latrines. They proudly advertised this facility in various parts of the region. Dry latrines were common in other commercial and residential buildings. The Christian sanitary workers adopted the profession to clean and collect human excreta. Their nature of work changed when flush system became common. Their services were being hired for the emptying of septic tanks and opening of blocked pipes of latrines. Their work style is different from those of the Muslim counterparts. The Christians do not hesitate to put hands inside blocked pipes or septic tanks. But they do this during night.

Social behavior toward them is more rigid than MC sweepers. People even do not like to touch them. They have separate leaving colony and isolated social life. They have their contacts and relations with people in the Punjab but not in this area. Their family members who got education and are not related with this profession are treated with respect. According to religious belief the Christians are closer to Muslims than Hindus and Sikhs but the social aspect of the Christians in this area acts as a repellent to the local Muslims.

Sanitary is a sub-section of public health department of the Municipality. This section has the largest human resource as compared to all other departments. There are 210 staff members in public health department, out of this 204 work in sanitary section. Their positions are further classified as below.

Though the number of sanitary workers shown in the table is 191 but a significant number (47) work in officers homes or are deputed in other department, mostly in water supply department. Local politicians recruit their party workers as sanitary worker in MC, most of them are latter transferred to other departments of Municipality. In this way the financial burden on sanitation department increases while the output decreases day by day.

OFFICES
S. No	Place	No of Sanitary worker	Designation
1	Taxation Section	5	Sanitary Supervisor (1) Sanitary Workers (4)
2.	Water Supply Section	17	Sanitary Workers
3.	Fire brigade Section	2	-do-
4.	Municipal Parks	4	-do-
5.	Street Light Section	6	-do-
6.	Administrator Office	1	-do-
7	MC Office	1	-do-
BUNGALOWS
1	Commissioner	1	-do-
2.	Deputy Commissioner	1	-do-
3.	Additional Deputy Commissioner	1	-do-
4.	Additional Commissioner	1	-do-
5.	Assistance Commissioner	3	-do-
6.	Administrator	1	-do-
7.	Coordinator Khidmat Committee	1	-do-
OTHER
1.	Swat Press Club	1	-do-
2.	Janaz Gahh	1	-do

Major problems of the sweepers that were identified during the survey and a seminar are given below.

Second Urban Development Plan was developed as part of the NWFP Intermediate Cities Development Project, for which the planning and feasibility studies were conducted during 1988 and early 1989. These studies were carried out by the Provincial Urban Development Board (PUDB) with the support of a technical assistance and grant from the Asian Development Bank (ADB). The Project was named "Second Urban Development Project", which besides six cities also covered the Peshawar Development Planning Program included in the seventh five-year Plan. The six cities are Abbottabad, Bannu, DI Khan, Kohat, Mardan and Mingora. This program was supposed to be executed by the Project Implementation Unit (PIU). The project was funded from the proceeds of an ADB Loan and through the Special Development Program.

Under this program Rs. 11.48m was approved for solid waste management for Mingora. This program included new vehicles, equipment and landfill site. Following is the abstract of the equipment, which were supposed to be provided to MC under this Program.

This project was supposed to be completed by 1995 but it was lingered on till 1997. Most of its components were executed on political grounds while violating the basic proposal. Number of equipment was reduced in supply. For instance the proposed number of dustbins was 2300 but only1300 were supplied, and only one tractor was provided instead of four.

Political manipulation made many complications both for the community and for Municipal Committee. All the contracts of manufacturing and installation of equipment were given in the provincial capital. In the whole process the local municipal authorities were not taken in confidence. Decisions were made in haste and under centralized structure of administration. Interestingly, the Second Urban Development Project was developed for local government department but practically this was given to the department of Housing and Physical Planning (HPP). This caused conflicts between local government authorities and HPP. For the execution of the project a field office named Project Implementation unit, was established. Works done by PIU like construction of drains, Tube wells and ring road annoyed MC, which refuted justifications for such schemes. MC also pinpointed technical loopholes in the scheme.

In case of solid waste management the same criterion was adopted. The contract of installation of yellow dustbins in Mingora was given to a Peshawar based contractor who was not registered with MC. MC had no say in site selection and installation of bins. Its sanitary staff was strictly directed to remain at bay. Member Provincial Assembly who was also minister, had directed the contractor to follow the recommendations of the ruling political party’s office bearers (President and General Secretary of ward office) in each ward. The ward-level politicians used the bins for their political interests. The bins were distributed without users demand or on need basis. This resulted in the removal of the bins by the people and were sent back to MC office. A number of dustbins were installed inside the politicians houses, while many community demanded dust bins but they could not get.

As a result of political manipulation the execution of the project was affected both managerially and technically. For instance the design of dustbins was not feasible for Mingora City as half of the city population is living on hillsides. The dustbins were designed uniformly for all seven cities. As these were designed for plan areas they could not be used effectively in Mingora. The dustbins were found defective both qualitatively and quantitatively.

In various localities it was observed that the size of the bins were not enough to accommodate the generated waste while in some other areas these were never used. Ten of the bins are installed in the MC office where only one bin can serve their purpose. Furthermore, the use of the bins was difficult specially for the children due their height and as a result children throw away the waste around the bins (in Pukhtoon the society waste disposal out side house is usually done by child girls). On the hill slop of the city bins are useless because of stairs and it is difficult for sweepers to take wheelbarrow up on the hill and clean the bins. Almost all of the bins installed in hilly areas are unused.

Similarly the wheelbarrows provided under this program have defective design. These wheelbarrows are heavy and sweepers can not drive them as the city streets are zigzag and the transfer stations are located at long distances. The wheelbarrows are wide and difficult to pass from the narrow streets in slum areas like Zahidabad, Mullahbaba and Tajchowk areas. According to the sanitary workers the heavy weight wheelbarrow causes physical problems.

In Mingora scientific/ organized system of solid waste management do not exist. For the population of 174469 only 191 sweepers are working and each sweeper is supposed to collect the house hold waste of 135.6 houses daily. As it is not practical so a vast area of MC remains unattended by sanitary staff ( See table 5&6 of this chapter). Due to heavy workload sweepers do not remove the collected waste to the transfer station and throw it somewhere in drains and Khwers. Officially he is forbidden to do it but it is the easy way out for him. He is compelled to do so because of vast working area, (one sweeper has assigned workload of four persons) and the long, narrow and zigzag streets wherein loaded wheelbarrow cannot be driven to the transfer spot. The dumped waste in drains and Khwars find its way into River Swat. The hilly part of the city is more neglected one where sweepers cannot take their wheelbarrows because streets are narrow and steep. Solid waste from this part is washed away by rainwater.

For the final disposal MC offers tenders for the sale of solid waste (used by the farmers as manure) generated in Municipal Committee area. According to the rules only registered contractors can participate in the auction. But the registered contractors have little interest in garbage collection because of its falling economic return. Generally low-grade employees of MC Mingora (Sanitation Section Drivers/Supervisors/inspectors) negotiate the matter with registered contractors and offered 2-3% profit of the contract. After obtaining the contract the registered contractors hand over the contract, unofficially, to the MC employees. And in this way the sanitation staff by itself becomes the unofficial contractors for solid waste collection.

The contractor sales out the collected solid waste to the farmers. The demand for municipal waste is presently at decline for two reasons. Firstly, the increasing proportion of plastic bags and other inorganic matters in the waste. Secondly the conversion of surrounding agricultural lands into residential colonies. However waste generated in slaughterhouse, fruit and vegetable markets and meat markets is in great demand. In some far-flung areas like Madyan, Behrain, Matta demand for municipal waste still exist but sanitary department can’t make the supply to these areas because of high fuel charges as the MC has Rs. 450,000/- for P.O.L and repair of sanitary vehicles (MC Budget 97-98). The sanitary vehicle drivers try to avoid long-distance drive to make saving in fuel charges. Presently the contractor (MC sanitary staff) disposes off the unsold waste on the banks of River Swat and in the hillsides within 8-10 Km radius of Mingora.

Since the formation of MC no serious efforts have been made for the establishment of land fill site. For the first time this problem got attention when under the Second Urban Development Program (SUDP) funds were allocated for this purpose. PIU purchased a piece of land in Sherabad (Qambar), 5Km west of Mingora city. Soon the deal became controversial and sixty eight inhabitants of the surrounding area filed a writ petition against the deal in a local court The court awarded status quo that remained intact till date. In desperate move, the sanitary staff is now disposing solid wastes where they could find any unclaimed open place around Mingora (usually roadsides, riverbanks, hillsides and into Khuwars).

After long media campaign and lobbing regarding River Swat contamination, EPS succeeded in the establishment of River Swat Protection Cell (RSPC) under the chairmanship of the Commissioner Malakand Division, with all line departments and civil society organizations including EPS as its members. The structure of the cell was recommended by EPS. During its first meeting on Jully11, 1998, it was observed MC Mingora is one of the great contributors in the River contamination which used to throw Municipal wastes directly and indirectly to River Swat. MC handicap, in this connection was non-availability of landfill site. President Hotels Association, Haji Zahid Khan voluntarily offered his 40-kanal land for this purpose free of coast. In order to materialize this offer, EPS drafted an agreement, which was to be signed by three parties including MC, Haji Zahid Khan and EPS. Each party was assigned their duties (copy of the agreement is attached). EPS negotiated the draft agreement with Chief Officer and Haji Zahid Khan.

The Site was located 11 Km, west from Mingora, in Kabal Tehsil. It is just 2 Km away from the main Kabal town. Other human settlements like Khem dara, Akhund Kalay, Marchaki and some commercial units and a public school are situated in � Km radius of the site.

While negotiation on the final agreement were still underway the sanitary staff started dumping of Municipal wastes on the site from July 18, 1998 and continued for almost one month. Every day 3 trucks and 5 containers were taken for dumping.

The local inhabitants come out with open opposition of the activity dumping of wastes not later than a week after the MC staff started dumping the waste. Some of the people forced the truck drivers to turn back and did not allow truck crew to unload it. In order to avoid any untoward incident MC sought police help. But the people could not be stopped. They were furious on the disposing of municipal wastes outside the MC area at the cost of their health. Bad smell caused nuisance for the surrounding people. The inhabitants of nearby settlements contacted their political leaders of the area to intervene the situation. Local politicians affiliated with ruling party started putting pressure on MC to stop the dumping.

The huge heaps of municipal wastes started producing adverse effects within ten days. House flies and insects increased. Daily wagers (laborers) working in the fields gave up their jobs because of punching odor. Stray dogs increased causing disturbance in the surrounding houses and damaging the crops.

Slid waste dumping site reduced the income opportunity of daily wages. Most of the daily wagers were non-locals coming from Mingora, Manglawar and Shah Dherai areas. They lost their jobs due to the ugly smell.

MC did not wait for the maturity of negotiation process and started dumping of the city in rural area, which agitated the people. There were no arrangements for insecticides for sprys or to cover the waste with clay due shortage of funds and resources (tractor, staff etc). Initially MC got the support of police and to pressed the people for some time. MC also failed to seek the help of its higher authorities. In the agreement it was agreed uopn that EPS will work for mobilization of the people but MC stared disposal of wastes prior to the signing of agreement and as result of the people agitation, the MC has no option but to abandon the waste disposal.

The research process carried out in the city was mainly aimed to explore the city existing situation (both potentials and constraints) and to pinpoint the various issues. In this concern the traffic situation has been studied in detail. Four issues emerged in the analysis of the situation.

To have more comprehensive information about each issue relating to traffic condition in Mingora, a more detailed and scientific research process has been worked out. The important tools designed are the following.

In literature review all the factors and issues relevant to traffic conditions in cities like Mingora have been studied. The synthesized conclusion from different studies of books, reports, articles are as follow.

Beside detail survey of traffic condition in the city, secondary data have also been collected from concerned departments and agencies. The various departments contacted are Highway department, Excise and Taxation Office and Municipal Committee Mingora. Information about road network, number of registered vehicles and their per annum growth rate in district Swat and the program for road development has been provided by these departments. These informations were helpful in analyzing the situation.

In the city the Highway department owns only six-kilometer roads and is responsible for its repairing and maintenance. The Excise and Taxation office has the record of the number and type of vehicles registered in the district. But they have no information about the vehicles registered in other district of the province or country that run on the city’s roads. The Municipal Committee Mingora is responsible for streetlights, roads sweeping, and maintenance of its bus terminus and stands.

To understand public views about the urban issues a Roundtable was formed by UPMSP on December, 19,1998. Roundtable is a modern shape of traditional assembly or Jirga, where city’s elders come, discuss the issues. The invitees were city elders and other stakeholders.

Beside other issues traffic situation in the city was also discussed. Traffic management was termed as one of the main problems of Mingora City. Thousands of handcarts, rickshaws, scattered bus stations insufficient roads and roadside encroachments were termed main problems of the city traffic. The local authorities were criticized for adopting short-term solutions instead of long term planning. Participants observed that road capacity is less than the traffic load. New ring road should be added to the existing network of the roads. They also suggested that during anti-encroachment drive political and social interventions must be tackled tactfully. However, all sorts of encroachments along roadside should be removed.

In the continuation process of this program another roundtable was held on Feb 9, 1999. The participants demanded the construction of new roads so as to reduce traffic load, ensure accessibility of remote areas and fulfill the future traffic demand. They also suggested that street size in the newly developing areas should be 12 or 14 feet wide, so as to allow the passage of small vehicles. The Roundtable held two meetings during the project period. Traffic was one of the key issues that come under discussion. The participants put various suggestions forth.

UPMSP also organized pubic consultation meeting exclusively on the traffic issues of the city. The meeting of public consultants was held on June 11, 1999 at Municipal Committee hall. The gathering was attended by various stakeholder including community elders, ex-councilors, political activists, different associations’ groups (Rickshaw association, Goods transport association, Truck stand owners, Trader’s federation, Swat Fruit and Vegetable market, Swat Muttahida Transport Federation, Bus Driver Union, Hawkers). Different traffic issues were highlighted and discussed in detail.

Four sub-committees were formed and they were assigned the job of proposing suggestions for the solution of issues comprising bus stands relocation, removal of encroachments, rickshaw stands relocation and segregation of hand carts and automobile vehicles.

The area of Mingora is 23 sq. kilometer. The length of roads in municipal committee limits is 35 kilometers, which is 1.71% of the total area. Most of the roads were constructed before 1969 when only a very few vehicles used these roads. Since then, the number of vehicles increased manifolds while no proportional increase in area of roads is seen.

The existing road framework of the city is of rectangular shape, where three roads, namely New Road, Main Bazar Road and Dakhana Road are running from north to South. Two other roads (G.T. Road and Takhtaband By-pass road) bisect these roads at 90⁰ angle. The width of these roads ranges from 28 feet to 55 feet and there is an average flow of 1955 PCU/hour as against national standards i-e 1000-1500 PCU/hour, (National Reference Manual of planning---). According to Bureau of statistics the number of registered vehicles in Swat was 13814 in 1993. Besides, a large number of vehicles registered in other districts of the country, non-custom paid vehicles and the tourist vehicles also fly on the roads of the city. Road space in and around Mingora City is limited and many roads operate above capacity.

This lack of balance between the road capacity and the bulk of traffic running over it has put pressure on the environmental fabric of the city. According to Van Dijk et.al (1994) the average and maximum concentration of carbon monoxide in Peshawar, Mingora and Kohat were 834 m g/m³ and 3340 m g/m³, 9280 m g/m³ and 5800 m g/m³, and 975 m g/m³ and 7192 m g/m³ respectively. This shows that average concentration of CO in Mingora is four times higher than Peshawar and Kohat, whereas, the number of vehicles in Mingora is much less than these cities. This can mainly be attributed to the congestion and traffic delay on the roads. Other contributing factors towards the unsatisfactory traffic conditions are the following.

All these factors and arguments prove that the functioning of public transport is one of the chronic problem of Mingora city.

During the second phase various surveys were conducted and round tables were held to know about the point of view of the stakeholders about the traffic condition in the city.

In the round table meeting traffic management was termed as one of the crucial problem of Mingora City. Some condemned the M.C. and the local administration for not taking interest in the traffic management, while other criticized the huge number of handcarts, Rickshaws and location of terminus and stands as main causes of poor transport system of the city. The transporters criticized the administration very strongly. They were of the opinion that the local authorities do not involve stakeholders in making decision and governmental decisions do not produced good results.

The participants also observed that existing road capacity is not enough and new roads are needed to reduce the traffic load and to provide accessibility to the remote areas. They also demanded the elimination of encroachments.

Both the hilly side and plan areas are expanding and access is becoming difficult day by day. During the survey it was noted that 49.96 percent people have no accessibility to the main road and 59.74 people are living in the localities where emergency vehicle is not accessible. So in case of fire, earth quack or any other emergency, relief work will be hindered. They pointed out that many locked areas of the city can be very easily made accessible and the outskirts of the city land are still open and new roads can be constructed easily. It was suggested that street width in the newly developed areas should not be less than 12 feet. The participants also criticized the Govt. structure. They said that during the time of elected local body the plans of some new roads i.e. Amankot, Grassy Ground road and Panr Buthkada roads were approved and funds were allocated for the completion of the work but after abolishing the elected local Govt. no attention was paid to this project. They believe that non-local higher officials of the Govt. Dept. and the appointed local bodies are not interested in the development of the city.

There are two types of transport services in Mingora, public and private. According to an estimate 90% people use public transport and 10 percent use their own car. The average number of trips executed by every person, to and fro of their residential places to the main city markets, per week is 10.

Mingora is the urban center of Malakand Division, therefore, transport load that is getting into or leaving the city is considerably high. It is clear from the survey of bus terminals in the city that an average number of 7020 veh/day (public transport) enter or leave the city. It has been also observed that there is a continuos increase in the number of vehicles. Besides, increase in the population and increase in the urban area are the main causes of this high flow of traffic. In 1970s the urban area of Mingora was approximately 10.48 square kilometer and the population was 38499. By 1981 the city had grown to 13.50 square kilometer with a population of 88078. In 1998 the area was 23 square kilometers and population rose to 174000.

The number of public transport users is higher because of the following reasons.

Moreover, the non-custom paid vehicles have increased the load on the roads. According to an estimate 6000 cars were purchased in Swat during 1999. This include a large number of non-custom paid public transport also operate on the roads.

Bus and coach stations are the places that serve both local and long-distance traffic. These are traffic generation points. Therefore, while proposing a bus station, both the internal and external factors are deeply considered and a full consultation between the traffic operators and traffic commissioners is carried out.

The transport system in the city is unplanned. The public transport operates from two types of stations.

There are only three public bus stations in Mingora. They are General Bus Stand, Banr and Shahdara bus stand. Municipal Committee run them through contractors. These stands have limited exit and entrance space. Other utilities and services such as parking space, offices, latrine, water supply, mosque, canteen etc are also available in these terminus. However these lacks public call offices, waiting rooms and security arrangements. As compared to the private bus stands, the location, planning and internal designing of these terminus is quite good.

To meet the growing demand of the public transport, private bus stations have been developed in the city. There are eighteen private stations situated at different places throughout the city. These have been established without any planning and official permission. The owner established the stations where they could find some place. These stations lack basic utilities. These stations have limited parking space. No consideration has been paid to the flow pattern of vehicles and the vehicle coming out or entering the station causes road blockade. The number of such stations is increasing day by day due to lack of planned transport system.

In Mingora City there are twenty-one stands, which serve as traffic operating points for different localities within and outside the city limits. Besides, these stations a considerable number of illegal Rickshaws stands exist through out the city, especially at roads junctions. These stations generate and attract a total of trips in twenty four hours.

General Bus Stand is situated on Grand Trunk Road at the main entrance of the city. This stand was established in 1979. At that time it was a less developed area but now large number of hotels, commercial centers, automobile workshops and houses developed around the stand that resulted in various environmental problems. Its area is 20 kanals and is the largest stand of the city. It is also the main income-generating source for the Municipal Committee.

The total area of this terminus is 20 kanal having 20 feet wide entrance and exit gates. There are twenty seven stands out of which seven are for buses, thirteen for Hiaces, three for wagons and one each for Coasters, Datsuns, Rickshaws and taxi-car. Vehicles operate from this terminus for the whole region and for the rest of the country as well. There are eight latrines for gents, but no such facility for ladies. The security measures are also below standard, with the exception of two policemen who are posted there to regulate traffic outside the terminus. Besides parking space, the facilities includes offices, mosque and water supply but they are insufficient to meet the need. However there is no waiting room and public call office. The parking space is insufficient as compare to the traffic load.

This terminus accommodates various mode of transport. There are three bus stands for Karachi and one each for Lahore, Rawalpindi, Mardan and Batkhela. The total number of buses is seventy, out of which thirty three buses operate between Karachi and Mingora, ten between Mingora and Lahore, ten between Mingora and Rawalpindi, six between Mingora and Mardan and eleven between Mingora and Batkhela creating 6, 10, 20, 12 and 22 trips respectively.

In the General Bus Stand there are fifteen Hiace’s stands. These vehicles (having a capacity of 18 passengers) connect the city of Mingora with Peshawar, Madayan, Miandam, Besham, Matta Tehsil, Pir Baba and Sawari. The total number of the vehicles is 465 creating 1829 trips in 24 hours. Details are given in the table 1.

There are also one each stands for coasters and Datsuns. The coaster having a capacity of 23 passengers operates between Mingora and Peshawar. The total number of the vehicles is 40 making 80 trips in 24 hours. While the Datsun travels to a nearby town, Barikot. The total number of Datsun is 40, making 360 trips in a day. Capacity of a Datsun is 18 passengers per trip, but due leniency in implementation of traffic rules and regulations, it carries more than thirty passengers in a trip and therefore, is very liable to fatal accidents.

Comparing the existing road network and its condition with the traffic volume, it is evident that the roads are becoming unable to accommodate the increasing traffic volume. Also the location of the terminuses are such that they contribute to the problem of traffic congestion.

To reduce traffic congestion on the city main roads the concerned authorities do not allow the public transport to cross the main city. Vehicles leaving for Shanlga and Kalam areas have to take Takhtaband Road, 4 kilometers out of the city. These vehicles have to travel an additional 7.0 Kilometer costing them extra 0.75 liter fuel per vehicle and each passenger has to waste 10 minutes more than the actual time.

This terminus is built on 10 kanals area and is situated at Airport Road. The space limitation problem is more critical as compare to the General Bus Terminus and this resulted in shifting of some stands to nearby private terminus. Other facilities for passengers like water supply, toilets, fire extinguishing equipment, waiting rooms and telephone booths do not exist. Mosque has been constructed but without water supply. In parking area, no repair work has been carried out since long which causes sever problem for passengers during rains. There is no proper drainage system and overflow in the nearby drain often becomes a source of nauseous. The drivers union and transporters association occupies the booking office and the waiting room.

Buses, Datsuns, Suzuki and jeeps operate from this terminus. Four bus, one Datsun, two Suzuki and one jeep stands link the city with various parts of the district. The total of 149 vehicles from this terminus makes 765 trips in 24 hours. on average each vehicle makes 5.13 trips/day. Details of the traffic generation through this terminus are given in Table 2.

This terminus is located on Airport Road, one of the busy areas of the city. The vehicles leaving the terminus take right turn, resulting in blockade of traffic passing from signal carriageway. The terminus also attracts a good number of rickshaws, which multiply congestion. These factors along with encroachment, pedestrian, hand carts and parked vehicles reduce the maximum speed even of small vehicle to 15 Km/ hour.

This terminus is situated on main Madayan Road near Shahdara. Its size is 10 kanal, having separate entrance and exit gates.

This terminus is quite below the ground level, which create problems for loaded vehicles at the exit gate. The waiting rooms are not used by the passengers because these has been constructed on the far end of the terminus while the vehicle stands are near the entrance gate. Other amenities and equipment such as toilets, telephone booths, safety measures etc have not been provided.

Forty-four Buses, seventy-five Datsuns and twenty-seven Hiaces operate from this terminus. The buses have 10, Datsuns have 5 and Hiaces have 2 stands, which operate between Mingora and Kalam, route and Bisham route (Table 3). Each vehicle makes an average of 4.65 trips in 24 hours.

Shahdara terminus is situated on Madayan Road, which connects important tourist resorts and other major towns of district Swat with Mingora. It is, therefore, very busy especially during summer season. The vehicles while entering take right turn, causing conflicts with the straight going vehicles. The auto workshops on this road and the blind junction with Kana Baba road further intensify the problem of congestion and delay.

Traveling time and delay survey conducted from People Chowk to Shahdara Chowk showed a delay of 1.55 minutes. The high rate of delay was observed in front of Sabzi Mandi. The other causes of congestion are handcarts, encroachments, parked vehicles and pedestrians.

Besides the 3 official terminuses, there are 7 private terminuses and 11 stands in the city. The terminuses are Matta, Odigram, Marghazar, Jambil, Totanobandai, (all named after the settlements of destinations), Rickshaw stand I and II; jeep stand situated at Airport Road, G.T. Road, Gulshan Chowk, Haji Baba Chowk, Airport Road, Nishath Chowk, and Tariq Hotel (Airport Road). All these terminuses and stands are illegal. These lack basic utilities and have insufficient space often occupy the road space thus create traffic congestion and blockade on the main roads and junctions.

The different types of vehicles operating from these terminuses are buses, Datsuns, Suzuki, jeeps and rickshaws. The total number of these vehicles is 446 making 3573 trips/day. Each vehicle makes an average of 8 trips in 24 hours. Details are given in Table 4.

Terminuses in the city are established without any planning. Neither the design period nor the planning process was considered while shifting the terminuses. That is why the terminuses are continuously shifted from one location to another.

During the last quarter of 1998 the first survey for terminuses was conducted. At that time Marghazar terminus was situated at Nishat Chowk. Nishat chowk is one of the busiest area of the city had a persistent problem of blockage and congestion. As the commercial activities increased in the area, the owners of the terminus closed it and constructed shops. Thus the terminus was shifted to Makanbagh. The new site was situated at about one kilometer from the city center. Due to public pressure the terminus was then shifted to Gulshan Chowk after few months. The new terminus is just an open space, having two Datsun stands. It lacks all the basic facilities. A new rickshaw stand has also been established nearby. These resulted in the traffic congestion at Gulshan Chowk.

In another case When the Banr terminus failed to cope with the growing number of vehicles, the transport union decided to shift either the stand of Matta route or Kabal route vehicle to another site. The decision was made through a toss and the Matta route vehicles were shifted to an open area in Nawayakalay. The Nawayakalay terminus also lacks facilities and is away from the city center. People now prefer to travel by Hiace from General Bus Terminus which is near the city center. The number of trip of these vehicles in 24 hours, after shifting to Nawyakay terminus reduced to 6 from 8 of Banr terminus.

Besides the public transport terminuses there are eleven stands/terminuses for taxi and rickshaws in the city. Mingora, being a tourist city has enough potential to sustain taxi transport. But due to lack of planning and traffic regulations taxis terminuses are established on improper places.

These terminuses are located in areas where there is extra space for parking on roadside or at the well of the landowners, if someone owns the land. Some of these stands are situated inside residential areas, which create inconvenience for local people and the tourists both in terms of congestion and search. The stands that are located at commercial areas often cause congestion and obstruct the steady flow of traffic.

All these terminuses are not only unevenly located in the city but also have insufficient parking space and lack all the basic facilities. The total number of vehicles using these terminuses is 240, which operate within the city and travel to other parts of province. Details about each private stand for taxies are given in Table 5.

To obtain information about the traffic characteristics in the city different surveys were conducted. The details of the surveys are as follow.

For this purpose a survey questionnaire was prepared in consultation with the north team. Urban planner and social organizer of the south team conducted the survey.

In addition to the above surveys informal interviews with pedestrians, drivers, traffic police and passengers were conducted to know the attitude of the users and to pinpoint the conflicting points within the area.

MODE OF TRANSPORT AND DETAIL OF TRIPS AT GENERAL BUS STATION
S. No.	Mode of Transport	Number of Vehicles	No. of Stands	Detail of Trips
1.	Bus	70	7	No. of Trips	Locality (from & to Mingora)
				6	Karachi
				10	Lahore
				20	Rawalpindi
				12	Mardan
				22	Batkhela
				70	TOTAL
2.	Hiace	465	15	88	Peshawar
				80	Mardan
				132	Timergara
				65	Batkhela
				160	Kalam
				385	Behrain
				240	Madayan
				150	Miandam
				75	Besham
				240	Matta
				124	Pir Baba
				90	Sawarai
				1829	TOTAL
3.	Coaster	40	1	80	Peshawar
4.	Datsun	40	1	360	Barikot
GRAND TOTAL		615	24	2339

MODE OF TRANSPORT AND DETAIL OF TRIPS AT SHAHDARA TERMINUS
S.No.	Mode of Transport	Number of Vehicles	No. of Stands	Detail of Trips
1.	Bus	44	10	No. of Trips	Locality (from & to Mingora)
				4	Shengray & Kas
				2	Peshband
				8	Malam Jaba
				28	Kalam
				28	Ulander Shahpur
				2	Shaltalu
				2	Shenkot
				2	Mangar Kot
				4	Tulay
				8	Miandam
				88	TOTAL
2.	Datsun	465	15	186	Khwazakhela
				78	Sair
				4	Shingray
				66	Manglawar
				88	Charbagh
				422	TOTAL
4.	Datsun	40	1	158	Khuwazakhela
				12	Alpuri
				170	TOTAL
GRAND TOTAL		146	17	680

A conceptual plan is a future layout plan, forecasting the future shape of a city based on the existing situation and trends.

The total area of Mingora is 23 square kilometer with a population of 174,669, living in 20077 houses. The household size is 8.7.

In 1972, population of the city was 38499, which rose to 88078 in 1981 at a very high growth rate of 96% per annum. In 1998 population of the city became 174669 and the household size raised from 6.7 to 8.7. While the city is growing with a tremendous rate the services delivery is far below than the required. The services like sewerage, water supply, and civic amenities like greenery, accessibility and space are non-existent, obsolete or non-sufficient. Municipal Committee has been able to extend its services only to 40% of the area.

The road network within the city is only 35 kilometer, which is 1.7% of the total area. While 0n the one hand city expansion continue and the city stretches five kilometer from east to west and 5.8 kilometer from north to south but there is no planning for increase in the road length. The growth is uncontrolled and the surrounding hills or the fertile agricultural lands are being converted for residential and commercial activities. Only 4% people enjoy active recreational facilities. The remaining people have to play either on roads, streets, fields, open plots or at home.

These areas face severe problems of sewerage, drainage and accessibility. It is estimated that by the next fifteen years population of the city will rise to more than 300000. The house holds size will be 10 and 12161 new dwelling units will be required to meet the demand. Keeping the density as 12 houses per acre with an average size of a plot as 10 marlas, 722 acres of the valuable agricultural land will be required for these dwellings. To meet the challenges of such a situation the following are to be followed.

Three phases projections (each for five year period) have been proposed along with 26 kilometers new roads. In the three phases 4474, 5460, 6680 new dwelling units will be required during the first, second and third phase respectively, keeping the house hold size at 8.7. While keeping 70% of the total area in the proposed phases, 400 acres, 490 acres and 596 acres will be required during the first, second and third phase with an average plot size of 20 marals.

Natural streams, the Jambil stream (Khwar) and Murghazar stream (Khwar) also traverse the city. The two streams join each other near the General Bus terminus to form Mingora Khwar. Upstream Mingora both the streams are quite clean with considerable fish life. After entering Mingora, the streams are transformed in to drains and are used by the city dwellers for disposing excreta and other wastes. According to a recent survey of River Swat, conducted by EPS, this is the most contaminated tributary of the River. A green belt along both the sides of the drain has been proposed to eliminate the hazardous risks and enhance the over all beauty of the city.

Three recreational areas; one each at Takhtaband, Faizabad and Buthkada have been proposed to provide active recreational facility to the inhabitants.

To make the city more attractive for the tourists and the locals and to protect River Swat from pollution a 50 meter wide green belt-with a good number of picnic spots and proper landscaping has been proposed along the bank of the river. This belt covers the whole area along the river’s bank being in the jurisdiction of the Municipal Committee.

All the bus stands and terminuses are very oddly located in the city. Most of the terminuses are situated in busy areas and are therefore the major contributing factor in traffic delay and congestion. There is a need not only to relocate but also to reduce the large number of poorly working terminuses to a few efficiently working terminuses. They should have enough capacity for the existing and proposed development.

From Mingora, different types of vehicles make a total of 3510 trips to different destinations of the region and the rest of the country. The city also receives equal number of trips from these areas. Thus 7020 trips are received and made to different destinations by public transport services. These trips are mainly generated on the main roads of the city’s. These roads are G.T. Road, Airport Road, Madayan Road, Jambil Road and Saidu Sharif Road.

G.T. Road is the main road connecting the city with the down country. It is the busiest road with two Bus terminuses, one Rickshaw terminus & three Taxi stands located along it. The General Bus Stand can be shifted to two other sites, Qambar or Nawakalay, each has its own economic and ecological impacts on the city.

Bus terminus is one of the important nucleuses in a city. A large number of other related-activities like workshops, hotels, restaurants, filling stations, general stores etc. are located around it.

General Bus Stand is the only terminus that serves the vehicles linking the city with big cities of the country, therefore, it plays a vital role in the economic activity of the city. Shifting the terminus will result in the reduction of business activities of the hotels, workshops, restaurants, general stores and filling stations located around it. If the terminus is shifted to any of the proposed sites, this area will attract a considerable number of other activities.

If the terminus is shifted to Qambar, growth of the city will accelerate along this direction and a ribbon development along G.T. Road will take place. Land value will be increased sharply and the M.C. limits along this direction will need to be extended. This new site will be economically inconvenient for the people who commute from the nearby village (Balogram, Udigram, Gogdara, Barikot etc.) located along the G.T. Road.

On the other hand, if the terminus is shifted to Nawakalay, River Swat will act as natural barrier for city growth and will divert the growth from Airport Road to Takhtaband Road, which is at the outer fringe of the city and is more suitable area for related activities. The Takhtaband Road and the proposed relief road (Feeder Road) will bypass the traffic from the city center. The nearby River Swat with the proposed green belt along it will create attractive spots for the tourists. The public transport services following the Airport Road and Madayan Road will also be accommodated in this terminus and it will become easier for the M.C. to maintain and manage it with comparative ease. As for as the nearby villages located along the G.T. Road are concerned, a terminus close to the city located along G.T. Road needs to be provided so that the people of these areas reach the city comfortably.

In Qambar, one of the proposed sites for General Bus Terminus, the built area is to the southeast of the road. It mainly consists of hilly tract. The terminus can be built on the agricultural land, opposite to the built area. After shifting of the terminus all the related activities will gain momentum and the growth rate in this direction will accelerate. The wastes and effluents generated will be disposed off to the Mingora stream (Khwar), flowing at a short distance. Pollution will further increase in this stream.

The lubricants and other toxic wastes discharged into the stream will ultimately find their way into the River Swat. The water of this stream is also used for irrigation purpose but in the new circumstances it will be harmful for the crops rather than useful. The building construction activity will affect the agricultural produces in that area. Traffic congestion, noise and air pollution will increase. It will affect the learning environment of the closely located High School. The Municipal Committee before deciding to shift the terminus to Qambar needs to study site factors in detail and take the necessary remedial measures to secure environmental condition.

Nawaykaly, the other proposed site for General Bus Terminus has its own ecological impacts on the area. The wastes and effluents that will be produced may be directly disposed off into the nearby River Swat. The area, which is a rich fertile land, will lose it greenery. The growth in this direction will accelerate though it may not be as fast as in case of Qambar because of the presence of large number of brick kiln in the area that will provide accommodation for the new construction. The existing road network in the area is incapable to carry the expected load; noise, nuisance, traffic delay and congestion will become a common feature of the area.

In the conceptual plan a 50-meter wide green belt along the riverbank and a 9-kilometer long road network at Takhtaband area has been proposed to meet the above-expected consequences. This will considerably reduce the risk of the flow of wastes into the river and traffic delay and congestion will minimize. The proposed road network will also help in regularizing the growth and provision of services and utilities.

Beside the General Bus Terminus, the other terminuses are also located on the trouble spots and have to be shifted to secure good environmental conditions for the city. It has been proposed that the Jambil and Marghazar Terminuses need to be shifted to the city’s fringes along their respective roads and the Banr, Matta and Shahdara Terminuses need to be shifted to the proposed General Bus Terminus near Nawaykalay.

MC Sanitary Vehicles/Equip		Annual Purchase
Truck	3	Hand Carts	60
Skip Loader	2	Ganthri	24
Tractor	1	Spades	120
Shaver	1	Jaroo (broom)	3000 Kg.
Suzuki Pickup	1
Containers	20
Dust Bins	1300

Disposal Sites	Quantity
On Road	89.6%
In Khwar/river	3.5%
Sold/Burnt	6.9%

Disposal Method	Quantity
By Municipality	9.1%
Self-Disposal	90.9%

S. #	Muhallahs / Locality	Ward No.
1.	Fizazat Park road	1
2.	Kana Baba road along with Muhallahs	2
3.	Dr. Parkash Muhallah	2
4.	Khachan Kass road	2
5.	Muhallah Uqba Sabzi Mandi	2
6.	Malak Markets, Peoples Chowk	2
7.	Muhallah Amir Khan (Muhallahs)	3
8.	Muhallah Ice-Factory	3
9.	Nawakalay Chowk – Kanju Brige	3
10.	By-pass Engaro Dherai	3
11.	Engaro Dherai ward (complete)	4
12.	Usman Abad	5
13.	Tahir Abad	5
14.	Bhatai Muhallas Yousafazi	5
15.	Janaz Gah road	6
16.	Qazi Baba Muhallahs	6
17.	Muhallahs Rahman Nazir DSP	7
18.	Malook Abad road – Chowk	7
19.	Malook Abad road towards Gumbat Maira	7
20.	Said Abad	8
21.	Patanay	8
22.	Road Gumbat Maira	8
23.	Khwaja Abad / Panr (complete empty)	9
24.	Muhallahs Ali Abad	10
25.	Rang Muhallah road	10
26.	Muhallah Dispensary	11
27.	Dispensary Malook Abad road	11
28.	Muhallah Wazir Mall	13
29.	Muhallah Bostan Khel	12
30.	Mula Baba Khuwar road	14
31.	Muhallah Tarkashai Shaheed	14
S. #	Muhallahs / Locality	Ward No.
32.	Muhallas towards Makan Bagh Khwar	14
33.	Landikass (towards upper side)	15
34.	Muhallah Bangla Desh (towards upper side)	15
35.	Gulkada No. 2	16
36.	Gulkada No. 3.	16
37.	Zahid Abad (Muhallahs)	17
38.	Forest Colony	17
39.	Akhund Baba	17
40.	Bangla Desh Amankot	17
41.	Muhallah Islamabad	18
42.	Muhallah Abdul Manan	18
43.	Muhallahs Bakht Mand Khan	19
44.	Muhallahs Rahman Abad (towards upper side)	19
45.	Rahim Abad Thana, Qambar School road	19
46.	Muhallahs Bacha Amankot	20
47.	Muhallahs Sethi Mills	20
48.	Faiz Abad (towards upper side)	21
49.	Shna Krapa	21
50.	Faiz Abad and Shna Krapa road	21
51.	Children Park Colony	22
52.	College Colony	22
53.	Afsar Abad (towards upper side)	22
54.	Muhallah Central Jail road	23
55.	Muhallahs Factory Aqba road	23
56.	Bar Kalay (towards upper side)	24
57.	Muhallah Aqba	24
58.	Muhallah Akhund Baba	25
59.	Muhallah Shahin Abad	25
60.	Muhallah Haji Abad	25
61.	Shagai (complete ward)	25

S.#	LOCATION	No. of Dumps
	Fruit & Vegetable Market	2
	Takhta Band Suzuki Stand (Bunr School)	1
	Su zuki Pick up General Stand (Abasin Market)	1
	Kalam Shangla main Road (Watkay)	1
	General Bus Stand	1

S.No.	Year	Foreign	Local
1	1988	18000	105000
2	1989	21000	115000
3	1990	23000	125000
4	1991	28000	135000
5	1992	30000	150000
6	1993	33000	155000
7	1994	6000	44000
8	1995	4000	48000
9	1996	7000	55000
10	1997	9000	65000
11	1998	5000	70000
12	1999	8000	90000

S.No	Tourist spot	No. of Hotels
1	Mingora	30
2	Kalam	20
3	Bahrain	10
4	Madyan	7
5	Miandam	3

S. No.	Year	Population	Intercensal Increase (%)	Av. Annual Growth Rate (%)
1.	1951	13648	--	--
2.	1972	38499	182	5.06
3.	1981	88078	129	10.26
4.	1998	174669	98	4.1

S. #.	DESCRIPTION	STRENGTH
	Sanitary Inspector	1
	Sanitary Supervisors	6
	Sanitary Workers	191
	Drivers	2
	Truck Cleaner	16
	Watchmen	2
	Black Smith	1
	TOTAL	204

S. #.	DESCRIPTION	QTY	AMOUNT
	Composting Equipment	1	50, 000
	Tractors	4	8, 40, 000
	Trailers	12	5, 40, 000
	Satellite Vehicles	10	1, 20, 000
	Trolleys	60	3, 30, 000
	Orderlies	24	1, 20, 000
	Dust Bins	2300	2 001 000
	Miscellaneous Equipment		109000
9.	Escalation to mid point		7000000
GRAND TOTAL			58, 90, 000